Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0/Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0 (L0pht Heavy Industries, Inc.)(1997).ISO/tezcat/Historical/Speeches.txt

Internet Message Format | 1996-07-08 | 50KB

From the Radio Free Michigan archives

ftp://141.209.3.26/pub/patriot

If you have any other files you'd like to contribute, e-mail them to
[e-mail].
------------------------------------------------

This file contains a number of stirring speeches by famous Americans. They are
each important to modern Americans not only for what is said in them, but also
for what has transpired (and what has not transpired) since their speakers first
delivered the speeches.

In historical order (and the order in which they appear in this file), they are:

Patrick Henry's "The War Inevitable" (the famous "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death")
George Washington's farewell address
Thomas Jefferson's inaugural addresss
Abaraham Lincoln's address at Gettysburg
John F. Kennedy's inaugural address

=========================================================================



"The War Inevitable"

A speech by Patrick Henry
March 1775

They tell us, Sir, that we are weak -- unable to cope with so
formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will
it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are
totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed
in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and
inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance
by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom
of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and
foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of
those means which the God of nature hath placed in our
power.
     Three millions of People, armed in the holy cause of
liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess,
are invincible by any force which our enemy can send
against us. Beside, Sir, we shall not fight our battles alone.
There is a just God who presides over the destinies of
Nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles
for us. The battle, Sir, is not to the strong alone. It is to
the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, Sir, we have
no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now
too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but
in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their
clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war
is inevitable. and let it come! I repeat, Sir, let it come!
     It is in vain, Sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen
may cry, Peace, Peace! -- but there is no peace. The war
is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the
North will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!
Our breathren are already in the field! Why stand we here
idle? What is it that Gentlemen wish? What would they
have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased
at the price of chains and slavery! Forbid it, Almighty
God! I know not what course others may take; but as for
me, give me liberty or give me death!


=========================================================================


WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, 1796:


Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election of a
citizen, to administer the executive government of the United
States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived,
when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who
is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct
expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you
of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered
among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

. . .

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination
incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am
persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services,
that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will
not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust,
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this
trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions,
contributed toward the organization and administration of the
Government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgement
was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority
of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still
more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to
diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of
years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement
is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that
if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services,
they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that
while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political
scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

. . .

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your
welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension
of danger, natural to that solicitude urge me on an occasion
like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to
recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are
the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation,
and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your
felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings
of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive
as his counsel.

. . .

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or
confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also
now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the
edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility
at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity;
of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy
to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters,
much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in
your political fortress against which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though
often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite
moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of
your national Union to your collective and individual happiness;
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable
attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of
it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that
it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning
upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion
of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.
Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country
has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of
'American', which belongs to you, in your national capacity,
must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any
appelation derived from local discriminations. With slight
shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners,
habits and political principles. You have in a common cause
fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty
you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts;
of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those
which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every
portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for
carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal laws of a common Government, finds in
the production of the latter, great additional resources of
maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of
manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse,
benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture
grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own
channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular
navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different
ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national
navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime
strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in
a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the
progressive improvement of interior communications, by land
and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the
commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at
home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to
its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of
indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight,
influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of
interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West
can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its
own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural
connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and
particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail
to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength,
greater resource, proportionably greater security from external
danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign
nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive
from union an exemption from those broils and wars between
themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries,
not tied together by the same government; which their own
rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which
opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would
stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the
necessity of those overgrown military establishments which,
under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty and
which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican
liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be
considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love
of the one ought to endear you to the preservation of the other.

. . .

Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large
a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation
in such a case were criminal. It is well worth a fair and full
experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union
affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not
have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be
reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter
may endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it
occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical
discriminations: Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western;
whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there
is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the
expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the
jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these
misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other
those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.

. . .

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Government for
the whole is indispensable. No alliances however strict between
the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably
experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances
in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth,
you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a
Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former
for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your
common concerns. This Government, the offspring of your own choice
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and
mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the
distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has
a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for
its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its
measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of
true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right
of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of
government. But the constitution which at any time exists till
changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people
is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and
the right of the people to establish government presupposes the
duty of every individual to obey the established government.

. . .

Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of
your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged
authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of
innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the
Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the
system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of
governments as of other human institutions; that experience is
the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the
existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes
upon the crdit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to
perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and
opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient
management of your common interests in a country so extensive
as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with
the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty
itself will find in such a government, with powers properly
distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed,
little else than a name where the government is too feeble
to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each
member of the society within the limits prescribed by the
laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil
enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the
State, with particular reference to the founding of them on
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.
It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or
less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the
popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly
their worst enemy.

. . .

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble
the public administration. It agitates the community with
illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity
of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and
corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government
itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy
and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and
will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful
checks upon the administration of government, and serve to keep
alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is
probably true; and in governments of a monarchial cast
patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon
the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in
governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.
From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there
being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force
of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting
into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a
free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with
its administration to confine themselves within their
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise
of the powers of one department to encroach upon another.
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever
the form of government, a real despotism.

. . .

If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification
of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it
be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution
designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though
this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the
customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The
precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any
partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness
- these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The
mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect
and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their
connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply
be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation,
for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the
oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of
justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be
conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of
peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to
expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion
of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more
or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a
sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to
shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object
of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of
knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives
force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion
should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as
sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely
disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent
much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise
the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of
expense, but by exertions in time of peace to discharge the
debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously
throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves
ought to bear.

. . .

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this
conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin
it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant
period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and
benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary
advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can
it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity
of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is
recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature.
Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than
that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular
nations and passionate attachments for others should be
excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings
toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges
toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is
in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to
its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray
from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against
another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury,
to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into
one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrles and wars of the latter without
adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to
concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to
others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the
favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests
of their own country without odium, sometimes even with
popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense
of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion,
or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish
compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

. . .

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you
to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people
ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of
republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must
be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence
to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive
partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of
another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one
side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence
on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the
favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people
to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations
is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as
little political connection as possible. So far as we have
already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect
good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a
very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent
controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to
our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to
implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations
and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may
defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when beligerent
nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon
us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we
may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit
our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,
interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with
any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now
at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim
no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty
is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion
it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments
on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended
by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial
policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking
nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the
natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle
means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing
with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course,
to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the
Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse,
the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will
permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time
abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall
dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one
nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it
must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may
accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may
place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for
nominal favors, and yet being reproached with ingratitude for
not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect
or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an
illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought
to discard.

. . .

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too
sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have
committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and
that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service
with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will
be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the
mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural
to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his
progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize
without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst
of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under
a free government - the ever-favorite object of my heart, and
the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors
and dangers.

Geo. Washington.

-------------------------------------

Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the
  National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).

Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise
  redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin
  credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public
  Telecomputing Network.



=========================================================================



THOMAS JEFFERSON'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS:


Called upon to undertake the duties of the first
executive office of our country, I avail myself of the
presence of that portion of my fellow citizens which
is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for
the favor with which they have been pleased to look
toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the
task is above my talents, and that I approach it with
those anxious and awful presentiments which the
greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers
so justly inspire.  A rising nation, spread over a
wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with
the rich productions of their industry, engaged in
commerce with nations who feel power and forget right,
advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of
mortal eye, when I contemplate these transcendent
objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the
hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue,
and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the
contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude
of the undertaking.  Utterly, indeed, should I despair
did not the presence of many whom I see here remind me
that in the other high authorities provided by our
Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of
virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all
difficulties.  To you, then, gentlemen, who are
charged with the sovereign functions of legislation,
and to those associate with you, I look with
encouragement for that guidance and support which may
enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we
are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a
troubled world.
        During the contest of opinion through which we
have passed the animation of discussions and of
exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might
impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak
and to write what they think; but this being now
decided by the voice of the nation, announced according
to the rules of the Constitution, all will of course
arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite
in common efforts for the common good.  All, too, will
bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the
will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that
will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the
minority possesses their equal rights, which equal law
must protect, and to violate would be oppression.  Let
us, then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and
one mind.  Let us restore to social intercourse that
harmony and affection without which liberty and even
life itself are but dreary things.  And let us reflect
that, having banished from our land that religious
intolerance under which mankind so long bled and
suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance
a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and
capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.  During
the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during
the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through
blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not
wonderful that the agitation of the billows should
reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this
should be more felt and feared by some and less by
others, and should divide opinions as to measures of
safety.  But every difference of opinion is not a
difference of principle.  We have called by different
names brethren of the same principle.  We are all
republicans, we are all federalists.  If there be any
among us who would wish to dissolve the Union or to
change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed
as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion
may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat
it.  I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a
republican government can not be strong, that this
Government is not strong enough; but would the honest
patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment,
abandon a government which has so far kept us free and
firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this
Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility
want energy to preserve itself?  I trust not.  I
believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government
on earth.  I believe it the only one where every man,
at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of
the law, and would meet invasions of the public order
as his own personal concern.  Sometimes it is said that
man cannot be trusted with the government of himself.
Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others?
Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern
him?  Let history answer this question.
        Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue
our own Federal and Republican principles, our
attachment to union and representative government.
Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the
exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too
high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;
possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our
descendants to the thousandth and thousandth
generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right
to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of
our own industry, to honor and confidence from our
fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our
actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a
benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in
various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty,
truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;
acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence,
which by all its dispensations proves that it delights
in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness
hereafter, with all these blessings, what more is
necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people?
Still one thing more, fellow citizens, a wise and
frugal Government, which shall restrain men from
injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free
to regulate their own pursuits of industry and
improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor
the bread it has earned.  This is the sum of good
government, and this is necessary to close the circle
of our felicities.
        About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise
of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable
to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem
the essential principles of our Government, and
consequently those which ought to shape its
Administration.  I will compress them within the
narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general
principle, but not all its limitations.  Equal and
exact justice to all men, of whatever state or
persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce,
and honest friendship with all nations, entangling
alliances with none; the support of the State
governments in all their rights, as the most competent
administrations for our domestic concerns and the
surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the
preservation of the General Government in its whole
constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace
at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right
of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective
of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution
where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute
acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the
vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal
but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent
of despotism; a well disciplined militia, our best
reliance in peace and for the first moments of war,
till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the
civil over the military authority; economy in the public
expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest
payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the
public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of
commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information
and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public
reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and
freedom of person under the protection of the habeas
corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.
These principles form the bright constellation which
has gone before us and guided our steps through an age
of revolution and reformation.  The wisdom of our
sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to
their attainment.  They should be the creed of our
political faith, the text of civic instruction, the
touchstone by which to try the services of those we
trust; and should we wander from them in moments of
error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps
and to regain the road which alone leads to peace,
liberty, and safety.
        I repair, then, fellow citizens, to the post you
have assigned me.  With experience enough in
subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of
this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that
it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to
retire from this station with the reputation and the
favor which bring him into it.  Without pretensions to
that high confidence you reposed in our first and
greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent
services had entitled him to the first place in his
country's love and destined for him the fairest page
in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much
confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the
legal administration of your affairs.  I shall often go
wrong through defect of judgment.  When right, I shall
often be thought wrong by those whose positions will
not command a view of the whole ground.  I ask your
indulgence for my own errors, which will never be
intentional, and your support against the errors of
others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in
all its parts.  The approbation implied by your
suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and
my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion
of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate
that of others by doing them all the good in my power,
and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of
all.
        Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will,
I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire
from it whenever you become sensible how much better
choice it is in your power to make.  And may that
Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the
universe lead our councils to what is best, and give
them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.

=========================================================================


Prepared by Nancy Troutman (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa345), NPTN.

THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS:

"Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in
a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so
conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great
battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of
that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their
lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and
proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense, we cannot
dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.
The brave men, living and dead who struggled here have consecrated
it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will
little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never
forget what they did here. It is for us the living rather to be
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here
have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here
dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these
honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which
they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this
nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that
government of the people, by the people, for the people shall
not perish from the earth."


=========================================================================



"NOW THE TRUMPET SUMMONS US AGAIN . . . TO BEAR THE BURDEN OF A LONG
TWILIGHT STRUGGLE . . . AGAINST THE COMMON ENEMIES OF MAN-- TYRANNY,
POVERTY, DISEASE, AND WAR ITSELF": Inaugural Address of the President
(Kennedy), January 20, 1961*

VICE PRESIDENT JOHNSON, MR. SPEAKER, MR. CHIEF JUSTICE, PRESIDENT
EISENHOWER, VICE PRESIDENT NIXON, PRESIDENT TRUMAN, REVEREND CLERGY, FELLOW
CITIZENS:

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of
freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as
well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same
solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters
ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the
power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.
And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are
still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not
from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike,
that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in
this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,
proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow
undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been
committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the
world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us we]l or ill, that we shall pay
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose
any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we
pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot
do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can
do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our
word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to
be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find
them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly
supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who
foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to
break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them
help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the
Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it
is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot
save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to
convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to
assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.
But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile
powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose
aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other
power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own
house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last
best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the
instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from
becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new
and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer
not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace,
before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all
humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient
beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be
employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from
our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons,
both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both
racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of
mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign
of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never
negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those
problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals
for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to
destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its
terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate
disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of
Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,
let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power,
but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and
the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be
finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this
administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us
begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final
success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded each
generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national
loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service
surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms
we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to
bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out,
"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common
enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and
South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind?
Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted
the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not
shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of
us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The
energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light
our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly
light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask
what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of tho world: ask not what America will do for you, but
what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask
of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask
of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final
judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His
blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly
be our own.

                            -- 30  --


 *   White House press release dated Jan. 20, 1961 (text as printed in the
     Department of State Bulletin, Feb. 6, 1961, pp. 175-176); also issued
     as S. Doc. 9, 87th Cong., and as Department of State publication
     7137. The President's address was delivered from the steps of the
     west portico of the Capitol and carried by the principal radio and
     television networks.

------------------------------------------------
(This file was found elsewhere on the Internet and uploaded to the
Radio Free Michigan site by the archive maintainer.

 Protection of
Individual Rights and Liberties. E-mail [e-mail])